Issue 351
October 28, 2005


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INDEX

Articles


EDITORIAL

Shut down death row

 

STANLEY "TOOKIE" WILLIAMS is a charismatic symbol of what's wrong with the death penalty — and of what's wrong with the debate about the death penalty. His story

of sin and redemption powerfully illustrates the unfairness of capital punishment. But to argue that capital punishment is unjust for some defendants is to concede that it may be acceptable for others.

 

The reason to oppose capital punishment has to do with who we are, not who death row inmates are. The death penalty is inappropriate in all situations because it is unbefitting of a civilized society. Williams' case, though poignant, is irrelevant to this argument.

 

Part of what makes Williams such an effective symbol in the debate over capital punishment is his compelling story. If there was a hall of shame for criminals, Williams would deserve his own wing. Williams founded the violent and oppressive Crips gang, dealers of crack cocaine and death by gunfire who spread their lethal gospel nationwide. He was convicted of four 1979 gun murders, and who knows what other violence he masterminded as the Crips leader.

 

By most accounts, however, Williams has become a very different person in his nearly quarter-century in San Quentin. He has written children's books warning against gang life, debunked the thug glamour of prison, helped broker gang treaties and, absurdly, been nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize by supporters who romanticize his rehabilitation. There is even a TV movie about Williams' jailhouse conversion.

 

Williams is a good symbol, and good symbols are important to opponents of the death penalty. Yet proponents have their symbols too. And arguing over symbols fails to reach the core of the injustice of capital punishment.

 

Which is not to say there aren't practical arguments against the death penalty. Putting people to death is more costly than incarcerating them for life, and even then our legal system is not foolproof. Mounting evidence that innocent people were on death row led Illinois to impose a moratorium on executions in 2000, and the pace of executions elsewhere has slowed because of similar concerns. Even U.S. Supreme Court justices are voicing concern about the death penalty's application.

 

California, which has executed only 11 people since 1976, should give up on capital punishment altogether, like 12 U.S. states and most of what is often referred to as the "civilized world." Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger should cancel Williams' execution, scheduled for Dec. 13, and Williams should spend the rest of his days in jail. So should everyone else on death row — even those who haven't had their lives turned into a TV movie.

 

 

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Lawmakers target shaken baby syndrome

Measures would educate parents

By Michael Levenson

 

Eight years after the trial of a Newton au pair helped draw nationwide attention to the problem of shaken baby syndrome, legislators, pediatricians, and parents are preparing a major effort to stop that form of child abuse in Massachusetts.

     

Proposals being reviewed today on Beacon Hill would teach every parent of a newborn how to soothe a crying, fussy baby without resorting to shaking, which can cause serious brain damage, retinal bleeding or, in one quarter of cases, death.

 

Though the details have yet to be finalized, the bills have drawn support from key legislators, Lieutenant Governor Kerry Healey, Attorney General Thomas F. Reilly, prosecutors, social services officials, and Deborah Eappen, whose 8-month-old son Matthew died in 1997 after being shaken by his au pair, Louise Woodward.

 

''I would never, ever want another parent to go through what our family went through," Eappen said yesterday. ''The impact of this child abuse and the loss of a child in the family, the ripples go on forever, and the impact on parents and siblings is really enormous." She plans to testify on the issue today.

 

Doctors have known about the problem of parents, babysitters, and others shaking babies to stop them from crying since the 1950s. But only in the last several decades have social services officials and pediatricians begun to study the problem and develop public policy solutions, said Dr. Alice Newton, medical director of the child protection team at      Massachusetts General Hospital.

 

The proposals being aired today before a joint meeting of the Legislature's committees on Children and Families and on Public Health grew out of six suspected cases of shaken babies in Central Massachusetts in 2001, said Karen Beaton, a nurse who is director of maternal and child health at Heywood Hospital in Gardner.

     

Modeled after a similar program in upstate New York, it seeks to educate parents on how they can calm themselves from the frustration of tending to a crying baby.

 

Under a pilot program begun at Heywood Hospital in 2003, nurses advise parents to put their babies in a crib or bassinet and take a breather, rather than trying over and again to stop a baby's tears. Nurses at Heywood typically give the lessons within the first 24 hours after a baby is born and send parents home with a brochure outlining the tips, Beaton

said. They also ask parents to teach the method to babysitters, cousins, and grandparents who might care for their babies.

 

The bill would replicate the program in hospitals statewide. It also calls for the state Department of Public Health to track the number of shaken baby cases and to develop training to help doctors spot the signs of a shaken baby.

 

Backers say the cost would be about $250,000 annually, but would save millions in medical bills. Lifetime care for a severe brain injury can run between $4 million and $9 million, legislators said.

 

''We think this stands a really good shot of preventing injury to young children, that at least a sizable percent of this is preventable," said Dr. Jean E. Ramsey, director of pediatric ophthalmology at Boston Medical Center and one of the doctors, state officials, and parents who plan to testify in support of the bill today. ''With education, we really can prevent some of these deaths and injuries."

     

Shaken baby cases cut across class and race lines, doctors say, though some trends are clear. About 75 percent of cases involve parents; men, especially young fathers and boyfriends, are more often the perpetrators than women, Newton said. About 37 percent of cases involve fathers or stepfathers, and 21 percent involve boyfriends, she said.

    

Still, nearly every parent can relate to the frustration of trying to calm a crying baby, Beaton said.

 

''It's not uncommon to feel extremely frustrated when you're trying to care for a crying baby, so much so that probably everybody has had the thought about shaking a baby," Beaton said. ''But the important thing is that you don't carry out the act."

     

Doctors say shaken-baby cases are vastly underreported, partly because hospital staff members often fail to recognize the signs.

 

State public health officials counted 50 cases between 1999 and 2002, but at Children's Hospital doctors treated 36 cases in that time period alone, suggesting that the official state data is too low, Newton said.

 

Nationally, there about 1,500 reported cases of shaken babies each year, she said.

 

The syndrome gained public notoriety with Woodward's trial in 1997, which was televised and covered by national media. A 19-year-old British nanny hired by the Eappens, Woodward was convicted of causing Matthew Eappen's death by shaking him violently and dropping him on the floor.

 

The judge reduced Woodward's conviction from second-degree murder to manslaughter and her sentence from life in prison to the 279 days she spent in jail awaiting trial.

 

About 50 lawmakers have signed on to support four bills that seek to prevent shaken baby syndrome.

 

''Something will pass this year," said Representative Peter J. Koutoujian, a Waltham Democrat who is cochairman of the Committee on Public Health.

 

''I have the feeling we have a good window of opportunity here."

 

 

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Priest's Slaying Shakes Tijuana

A popular cleric's death, blamed on drug trade, gives the border city a record year for killings.

By Richard Marosi

 

TIJUANA — The execution-style killing of a popular priest in an upscale restaurant district here has touched off an outpouring of grief and pushed the homicide rate to record heights.

 

At a funeral Mass on Wednesday, about 2,000 people mourned the death of Father Luis Velazquez Romero, 52, an outspoken cleric known for his social activism.

 

He was gunned down Monday morning in his 1993 Ford Thunderbird in a parking lot.

Police found six bullet wounds in his head and neck, and his wrists handcuffed behind his back.

 

Velazquez's death, along with another slaying over the weekend, pushed the homicide toll in the Tijuana area this year past the record of 355 set in 2004, state police officials said.

 

The wave of violence in this sprawling Mexican border city has set new standards for brazenness. Masked, black-clad gunmen have abducted businessmen from popular restaurants in front of horrified diners. Their bodies usually appear days later, gagged and showing signs of torture. Many merchants are moving across the border to the San Diego area.

 

Several police officers have also been killed or targeted. Chief Homicide Investigator Francisco Castro Trenti escaped injury in a shootout a few weeks ago.

 

Police said the motive in the priest's killing was unclear but that the slaying bore the hallmarks of an organized crime hit.

 

The violent death of Velazquez, the corresponding sensational media coverage and

questions about the police investigation have heightened a sense of frustration in this crime-weary city. Thousands have turned out at Masses to mourn the priest, filing into his hillside church to kiss his coffin and touch his white robe.

 

"This assassination has touched the most sensitive part of our society," said Carlos Medina Amaro, a longtime parishioner. "If they kill a priest, they can kill anybody."

 

Authorities said they were investigating whether the killing was related to the cleric's work and whether he was a victim of drug traffickers. Police said they were also taking a close look at the priest's personal life.

 

State police spokesman Filiberto Martinez said Velazquez was not suspected of being involved in narcotics trafficking, but that the execution-style killing and the .38-caliber handgun used were the calling cards of the drug cartels.

 

"Castro Trenti says this murder will be solved. But it's too soon to say when," he said.

 

The police statement inspired little confidence among residents. Some noted that many killings go unsolved and said police often claim victims were involved in the drug cartels as an excuse not to investigate the crimes thoroughly. "What are the authorities doing?" read a sign carried by parishioners at a funeral procession.

 

Most of the year's killings have been blamed on drug cartels battling for control of the trafficking corridor through Tijuana into the U.S.

 

Velazquez was described as a dynamic priest with a jovial personality who easily navigated Tijuana's disparate worlds of wealth and poverty. His role model, parishioners and fellow priests say, was Archbishop Oscar Romero of El Salvador, slain while celebrating Mass in 1980.

 

He was committed to social causes and founded an outreach group in poor neighborhoods. His sermons touched on current events and corruption, but he steered clear of politics, parishioners said. Many angrily dismissed media reports that said Velazquez might have been involved in organized crime.

 

Parishioner Gerardo Rodriguez, 49, said Velazquez was always on the go, fiercely focused on helping the poor, counseling couples, fundraising and building the church.

 

"He was mobbed up all right, mobbed up with God, and the community," Rodriguez

said.

 

Velazquez, a native of Guadalajara, was a seminary student and missionary in Mexico City and New York City before he moved to Tijuana, where he became a priest in 1988. Within a few years of his arrival at the parish of Santa Maria Reina, in an upper-middle-class area in the hills above a country club, the one-room church overflowed with members.

 

Velazquez broke ground two years ago on a new church, and was only a few raffles and fundraisers away from the finishing touches: heavy, engraved wooden doors and two statues to flank the entrance.

 

People came from all over to hear his sermons, a blend of religious and social commentary, said parishioners and priests. "His motto was, 'Carry a newspaper in one hand, and a Bible in the other — reality and the word of God,' " said Jesus Lara, who led Velazquez's outreach group.

 

Velazquez was a trailblazer in many ways, said Father Florentino Durazo, who heads a theological school in Tijuana. Velazquez celebrated Mass in the streets and spoke strongly against social injustice, he said. Velazquez believed that marriage was the foundation of a caring and just society, Durazo said, and was well known for helping couples solve relationship problems.

 

"His death is a terrible wound for the church," Durazo said. "He inspired so much enthusiasm, and now the community is suddenly left without him."

 

Velazquez said his last Mass at a retreat for couples in Tecate, about 30 miles east of Tijuana. Parishioners said he left at 8:30 p.m. Sunday. His body was found about 7 a.m. the next morning, in the parking lot of the Plaza Fiesta, bullet casings littering the ground outside his car.

 

The plaza is a lively area full of restaurants and bars and some media reports have raised questions about why Velazquez was in the area. Speculation is rife: Did the priest hear confessions of drug kingpins and was killed because he knew too much? Did he take money from the wrong people for his church? Was there a dark secret in his personal life?

 

One parishioner said Velazquez was a good man who accomplished much, but that he

was human. "Everybody has weaknesses," the parishioner said.

 

Bishop Rafael Romo Muñoz of the Tijuana diocese said that "whatever comes out from the investigation, let it come out."

 

Meanwhile, up in the hills, Velazquez's church sits unfinished. The building — with its beige stucco walls and arched entry — evokes an old California mission. Velazquez labored for two years on the project, and parishioners said they intended to fulfill their priest's dream.

 

"I don't know how we'll finish, but we will, in the memory of Father Luis," said parishioner Jesus Loredo.

 

 

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Loss in Iraq

 

"EACH LOSS of life is heartbreaking," President Bush said Tuesday, as the 2,000th death of an American soldier in Iraq was recorded. That is surely one thing about which everyone in an increasingly bitter and polarized debate regarding the war can agree. The sacrifice of American lives, and the debilitating injuries suffered by thousands of others, have devastated families and wounded the nation. That the totals are relatively small compared with those of previous U.S. wars, or the tens of thousands of Iraqis who have died, does not change that.

 

What does matter is what has come from those sacrifices. The most brutal and dangerous dictator in the modern history of the Middle East was deposed, and last week he was put on trial before an Iraqi court. Millions of Iraqis he oppressed continue to be grateful for their liberation; unlike most Americans, they still believe that the invasion was worth the cost. Despite the continuing insurgency, more than 60 percent of registered voters turned out this month for a constitutional referendum, and slates are forming for a parliamentary vote in December that could be the most inclusive, competitive and meaningful election

ever held in the Arab world.

 

That the war remains broadly unpopular among Americans, and is routinely and glibly described as a catastrophe by administration critics, shows that these achievements are cloaked by the continuing bloodshed. The horrific nature of car bomb and suicide attacks on U.S. soldiers and innocent civilians has compounded the effect of the loss of life. So have the failure to find weapons of mass destruction -- the threat that originally appeared to justify the costs and risks of an invasion -- and the seeming intractability of the insurgency, which has survived countless military offensives, killings or arrests of top leaders, and changes of tactics. The political gains, though real, have been undermined

in recent months by the sectarian and ethnic polarization of Iraqis and the apparent effort by a number of Shiite and Kurdish political leaders to carry out a de facto partition of the country under the guise of "federalism." That agenda, and the Bush administration's weak response to it, threatens to tip Iraq into a full-scale civil war, with U.S. troops caught in the middle.

 

There are no easy solutions to these problems, nor is there a quick way to end American losses. In fact, one of the greatest dangers of Iraq is that domestic disenchantment with the mission will lead to a premature withdrawal of U.S. troops, a step that would greatly increase the carnage and hand a major victory to this country's foremost enemy, the Islamic extremist movement headed by al Qaeda. Mr. Bush could have avoided much of that disillusionment had he been more honest with the country from the beginning about the likely costs of thewar. Yet even now he refuses to speak candidly about the conflict; he describes it as if it were exclusively a battle between U.S.-backed democrats and foreign terrorists, rather than a complex political and military struggle among Iraqis. He did say on Tuesday that "this war will require more sacrifice, more time and more resolve." As U.S. servicemen continue to give their lives, the president must explain more clearly and more honestly why that is so -- and why it is necessary.

 

 

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Port Authority Found Negligent in 1993 Bombing

By ANEMONA HARTOCOLLIS

 

A Manhattan jury said yesterday that the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey was negligent in safeguarding the World Trade Center before the first terror attack on the twin towers, the 1993 bombing that killed six people and injured 1,000.

 

In a verdict that could prove costly for the Port Authority, the six-member jury in State Supreme Court unanimously found that the agency did not heed warnings that the underground garage was vulnerable to terrorist attack and should be closed to public parking. This failure, the jury said, was "a substantial factor" in allowing the bombing to occur.

 

It was in the basement garage below the trade center that Islamic terrorists detonated a van packed with explosives on Feb. 26, 1993, foreshadowing the attack that brought down the towers and killed nearly 3,000 people on Sept. 11, 2001.

 

The verdict came after four weeks of testimony from security experts and three former directors of the Port Authority. The jury took just over a day to reach its decision.

 

Although Port Authority lawyers said they would appeal, it was the most significant moment yet in a 12-year battle to hold the agency accountable for the events of that February day, which ushered in a new era of security consciousness in New York City and across the country.

 

The victims of the 1993 bombings never received the outpouring of public support or government compensation that went to those of the much more devastating 9/11 attacks.

 

More than 400 plaintiffs, including people hurt in the attack, families of the dead and businesses, have lawsuits pending against the Port Authority, lawyers said yesterday. The negligence verdict clears the way for them to press forward with claims for lost wages, damage to businesses, and pain and suffering.

 

Lawyers for the plaintiffs said they were seeking a total of as much as $1.8 billion. Those cases will be decided through separate legal proceedings, which could end in trials or settlements. The authority also faces lawsuits relating to the 9/11 attacks.

 

David J. Dean, the lead lawyer for the plaintiffs, called the verdict "an extraordinary victory." The jury, he said, clearly accepted the plaintiffs' argument that the Port Authority should have foreseen the terrorist attack, based on warnings from its own experts as early as 1985, and shut down the public parking garage.

 

"The case was never about blaming the terrorists," Mr. Dean said yesterday. "It was about what the Port Authority should have done. They disregarded the advice of their own experts and other experts. They were motivated by money. They should have thought about the ultimate sacrifice of human lives."

 

Marc Kasowitz, the lead lawyer for the Port Authority, said the jury was wrong in blaming the authority. "The Feb. 26, 1993, attack on the World Trade Center was the act of terrorists for which terrorists alone are responsible," he said. "The Port Authority believes in our American jury system. It strongly believes that the decision in this case was egregiously incorrect."

 

He said there were strong grounds for appeal of the verdict, "based on errors made by the court during this trial."

 

The burden on the plaintiffs was to show that the Port Authority should have foreseen the likelihood of a terrorist attack and taken steps to prevent it.

 

In order to reach a verdict, at least five of the six jurors had to agree. The jury voted unanimously that the Port Authority was negligent. It found the authority 68 percent at fault for the bombing, while the terrorists who carried it out were 32 percent at fault.

 

Mr. Dean, the plaintiffs' lawyer, said that because the jury apportioned more than half the blame to the Port Authority, the agency will have to pay 100 percent of any damages for pain and suffering, the so-called non-economic damages, that might be awarded.

 

Regardless of how the blame was shared, the Port Authority would have to pay 100 percent of any economic damages, like lost business, he said.

 

The jury deadlocked, 4 to 2 in favor of the Port Authority, on whether that negligence rose to the level of recklessness.

 

The plaintiffs, however, indicated that they considered the 4-to-2 vote a hung jury, leaving open the possibility of a retrial on that question. Mr. Kasowitz, the Port Authority lawyer, said he considered the verdict on recklessness a no vote. Justice Nicholas Figueroa said that the lawyers would return to court to discuss that portion of the verdict.

 

During the four weeks of testimony, the trial focused on a 1985 report by the Office of Special Planning, an antiterrorist task force convened by Peter Goldmark, who was the executive director of the Port Authority from 1977 to 1985.

 

Mr. Goldmark created the office in 1984, after becoming concerned that, given terrorist activities in other parts of the world, the trade center, as a symbol of American capitalism and strength, could be a target. After a visit to Scotland Yard in London that year, he wrote a memo saying that Scotland Yard was "appalled" that there would be public transient parking beneath a facility like the World Trade Center.

 

The report concluded: "A time-bomb-laden vehicle could be driven into the W.T.C. and parked in the public parking area. The driver would then exit via elevator into the W.T.C. and proceed with his business unnoticed. At a predetermined time, the bomb could be exploded in the basement. The amount of explosives used will determine the severity of damage to that area."

 

Among the report's recommendations was: "Eliminate all public parking in the World Trade Center." It also recommended a series of compromise steps, including guarded entrances to the parking lots, random searches of vehicles and restrictions on pedestrian access.

 

The report came out about four months after Mr. Goldmark left the Port Authority, and his successors decided not to close the public lot, citing the potential loss of revenue and inconvenience to tenants, according to evidence at the trial. They also decided against most of the compromise measures.

 

In 1991, according to the testimony, the Port Authority commissioned a second report, from Burns and Roe Securacom, a private security company. That report found that the major risk to the trade center was from a package or hand-held bomb, and that the shopping and pedestrian areas, not the parking garage, would be the most likely targets.

 

Several jurors interviewed after the verdict yesterday said the mere fact that the 1985 predictions came true had weighed heavily in the verdict.

 

One of the jurors, Rafael Garcia, a development executive at Nickelodeon, who lives in Chelsea, called the report "irrefutable evidence" that was "eerily prescient as far as what could happen."

 

"The O.S.P. report was paramount," said Ray Gonzalez, another juror, who lives in Murray Hill and is the director of housekeeping for a nursing home. "Unfortunately, from there, everybody seemed to drop the ball."

 

Jurors said that they were impressed by Mr. Goldmark, who testified for the plaintiffs and wept on the stand, and that they found the witnesses for the defense less credible. "Goldmark was the only one who didn't seem to be a Port Authority company man," said the jury foreman, Alan Nelson, 54, of Washington Heights, who works in the services department of a law firm.

 

In contrast, he said, the witnesses for the Port Authority, "seemed highly programmed in their answers," and seemed to be speaking, "from a bureaucratic, organization-man point of view."

 

The jurors said they had been offended, as the plaintiffs had hoped, by the Port Authority's focus on the potential for economic losses of a terrorist attack.

 

One defense witness, a security consultant, Robert Ducibella, referred to the loss of human life as "collateral damage." In one of the reports highlighted by the plaintiffs, the Port Authority rated the window-washing machine as a potentially important loss. From the beginning, the Sept. 11 attack hung over the trial like a ghost. The judge forbade both sides from mentioning it, saying that what happened after 1993 was not relevant.

 

But both sides knew 9/11 would be in the minds of the jury, and the Port Authority repeatedly tried to capitalize on that by suggesting that nothing was going to stop terrorists from one day trying to take down the towers.

 

Mr. Nelson, the jury foreman, said that while he was satisfied with the verdict, "it's kind of an empty feeling in a way."

 

"We're talking about a building that is no longer there," he said.

 

 

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Scare Yourself Silly, but the Real Terrors Are at Your Feet

By ABIGAIL ZUGER, M.D.

 

Just in time for Halloween, the usual yearly ritual of terror by headline is now playing itself out in medical offices everywhere. Last year it revolved around flu shots; a few years ago it was anthrax and smallpox; a few years before that it was the "flesh-eating bacteria"; and before that it was Ebola virus, and Lyme disease and so on back into the distant past. This year it's the avian flu.

 

"I was crossing Third Avenue yesterday and I was coughing so hard I had to stop and barely made it across," a patient told me last week. "I'm really scared I'm getting the avian flu."

 

I just looked at him. What could I say? He has smoked two packs of cigarettes a day for the last 50 years. He has coughed and wheezed and gasped his way across Third Avenue now for the last 10 years. His emphysema is not going to get any better, but it might stop getting worse if he were to stop smoking.

 

He made it clear long ago that this is not going to happen. When it comes to the whole cigarette/health question, his motto, apparently, is "What, me worry?"

 

But the avian flu - now there's a health scare a person can sink his teeth into. So scary and yet, somehow, so pleasantly distant. So thrilling, so chilling, and yet, at the same time, so not here, not now, not yet. All in all, a completely satisfying health care fear experience. Unlike his actual illness.

 

Scary movies give children nightmares. Scary health news gives adults the extraordinary ability to ignore the immediate in favor of the distant, to escape from the real (and the really scary) into a far easier kind of fear.

 

A few years ago, a young woman waited patiently to be seen in our office after hours. She was a patient of one of my colleagues, but she couldn't wait for their scheduled appointment; she needed to see someone right away.

 

"I'm worried I have Lyme disease," she said. "I have all the symptoms. I think I need to be treated."

 

"But you have AIDS," I said.

 

"I'm tired and weak and I have fevers and sweats. I've lost my appetite. I can't think straight. I'm losing so much weight!"

 

She had seen a TV news report on Lyme disease, and then she had checked the Internet. All her symptoms were right there.

 

"But you have AIDS," I said. "And you don't want to take meds. That's why you're feeling so bad."

 

"I'm really scared about Lyme disease," she said. "I really need to get treated."

 

"If you want to be scared, how about that untreated AIDS of yours?"

 

We looked at each other. It was an impasse. The fact that logic was on my side mattered not at all: evidently the real was just a little too real for her. How much better to find another illness to be scared of, obsess over, get treated for, get rid of.

 

Eventually she coerced my colleague into testing her for Lyme disease and treating her despite negative tests. Then she decided her symptoms might actually be due to a brain tumor, instead. And so it went, until she died of AIDS.

 

Of four patients I saw in a single hour last week, three announced how scared they were of the avian flu. I reassured them, but there was quite a bit I did not say, and here it is.

 

I did not say: If you want to be scared, then how about that drug habit of yours you think I don't know about? How about the fact that you are 100 pounds overweight and eat nothing but junk? How about the fact that in a few short months Medicaid is going to stop paying for your very expensive medications and no one knows how just high that Medicare Part D deductible and co-payment are going to be? I did not say: If you want something to be scared of, how about the drug-resistant Klebsiella that is all over this very hospital, an ordinary run-of-the-mill bacterial strain that has become so resistant to so many antibiotics that we've had to resurrect a few we stopped using 30 years ago

because they were so toxic.

 

That Klebsiella is one scary germ. It's in hospitals all over the country, and by now it's probably killed a thousandfold more people than the avian flu.

 

But you don't hear much about our Klebsiella. Like our bad habits and our dismally insoluble health insurance tangles, our antibiotic-resistant bacteria are with us, right here, right now. Apparently they all lack the drama, the suspense, the titillating worst-case situations that energize our politicians and turn into a really newsworthy health care scare.

 

They're all just too real.


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